Digital Media and Political Communication: Transformation, Democratisation, or Fragmentation?
I would like to acknowledge the Traditional Owners of Australia and recognise their continuing connection to land, water and culture. The University of Sydney is located on the land of the Gadigal people of the Eora Nation. I pay my respects to their Elders, past and present.
Academic Background
Research Focus
Teaching: GOVT6139 Research Design (S2), SSPS4102/6006 Data analytics (with R, S1), GOVT3901 Digital Politics (S2) and CISS6022 Cybersecurity (S1).
You can reach me at francesco.bailo@sydney.edu.au.
How does the massification of digital media transform political communication, and does this transformation strengthen or weaken democratic participation and institutions?
Introduction: The Digital Media Revolution - From mass to network communication
PART I: ALGORITHMIC MEDIATION - The new gatekeepers
PART II: PARTICIPATION PARADOX - Digital media and inequality
PART III: INTERNET vs SOCIAL CAPITAL - New forms of mobilisation
Introduction
The Digital Media Revolution
The Internet Revolution
The Mobile Revolution
The Social Network Revolution
The Social Media Revolution
Traditional Mass Media
Digital Network Media
The Central Tension
Digital media promised democratisation (broader access, lower barriers) but may weaken institutions (fragmented publics, algorithmic manipulation, anti-establishment mobilisation)
Today we examine three key perspectives on how digital media transforms democracy:
Algorithmic Mediation (Soffer, 2021) How algorithms replace human gatekeepers in political information flow
The Participation Paradox (Heiss & Matthes, 2019) How digital media may reinforce rather than reduce political inequalities
Internet vs. Social Capital (Bailo, 2025) How digital networks enable new forms of political mobilisation outside traditional institutions
PART I
ALGORITHMIC MEDIATION
Soffer (2021): “Algorithmic Personalisation and the Two-Step Flow of Communication”
Central Question
How do algorithms function as the new “opinion leaders” in political communication?
From human to algorithmic intermediaries:
Soffer, O. (2021). Algorithmic Personalization and the Two-Step Flow of Communication. Communication Theory, 31(3), 297–315.
The Process
Key Elements
Why It Worked
The Digital Disruption
The New Process
How Algorithms Work
From Solid to Liquid Peer Groups
Traditional peer groups:
Algorithmic “peer groups”:
Potential Benefits
Democratic Risks
The Evidence: Mixed
PART II
THE PARTICIPATION PARADOX
Heiss & Matthes (2019): “Does incidental exposure on social media equalise or reinforce participatory gaps?”
Central Question
Do social media platforms reduce political inequalities by engaging the disengaged, or do they reinforce existing participatory gaps?
Two competing hypotheses:
Heiss, R., & Matthes, J. (2019). Does incidental exposure on social media equalize or reinforce participatory gaps? New Media & Society.
The Process
Why It Should Work
Types of Digital Participation
Low-Effort Activities
High-Effort Activities
Low-Effort Participation
High-Effort Participation
The Paradox
Incidental exposure mobilises low-effort “slacktivism” but reinforces inequalities in meaningful political participation
Based on the research we’ve discussed, which group is MOST likely to benefit from social media for political participation?
PART III
INTERNET vs SOCIAL CAPITAL
Bailo (2025): “Breaking out of legacy mobilisation networks”
Central Question
How does “Internet capital” enable political mobilisation beyond traditional social capital networks?
Definition
Internet capital: Digital resources that enable collective action independently of existing social capital structures
| Social Capital | Internet Capital |
|---|---|
| Dense, local networks | Sparse, distributed networks |
| High-quality relationships | Lower-quality connections |
| Geographic constraints | Geographic independence |
| Strong reciprocity | Weaker obligations |
| Slow to build | Rapid formation |
| Stable membership | Fluid participation |
| Institutional embedding | Anti-institutional potential |
Background
Research Question
Can Internet capital mobilise voters in low-social capital areas where traditional parties failed?
Data Sources
Key Finding
M5S achieved 25% vote share in 2013 elections
The Mechanism
News media attention temporarily strengthens Internet network density
Internet networks need external validation to overcome weak-tie limitations
The Emotional Requirement
Similar Cases Worldwide
Political Consequences
Common Patterns
CONCLUSION
Democracy in the Digital Age
Digital media fundamentally alter political communication through:
How does the massification of digital media transform political communication, and does this transformation strengthen or weaken democratic participation and institutions?
The Policy Challenge
How can democratic institutions adapt to algorithmic mediation, address digital inequalities, and channel Internet capital toward constructive participation?
Task: Rank these digital media impacts from MOST threatening (1) to LEAST threatening (4) for democratic institutions
Questions?
francesco.bailo@sydney.edu.au